American legal scholar Cass R. Sunstein deliberated about the decision-making ways of U.S. justices and the probable partisan bias in the halls of justice. He also mentioned the recipients of the judicial partisanship awards and enumerated lessons regarding partisanship.
Susan MurilloJan 25, 202332 Shares527 Views
I will be discussing judicial partisanship awardsas well as the American judiciary.
Who are the real activists on the U.S. Supreme Court? Do Republican appointees differ from Democratic appointees? How much? Are federal judges political?
I have been studying these issues with several colleagues, including Thomas Miles, an economist and lawyer at the University of Chicago Law School, for a number of years now.
One big question: Do judges show a political bias?
We also wanted to see what any bias might tell us about how judges might rule in the future - under, for example, an Obamaor McCain administration.
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We catalogued thousands of judicial decisions - well over 20,000 - to analyze this.
We looked for partisan bias by studying whether and when judges vote to uphold decisions of federal agencies, in areas including environmental protection, labor, telecommunications, discrimination and occupational safety.
We investigated which members of the Supreme Court are the most partisan - in that they are more likely to vote in favor of conservative agency decisions than liberal ones.
Note: Because Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito have been on the court only a short time, we did not include them because we had too little data.
We wanted to see if some justices are more political in their voting patterns than others - and also learn something about how future administrations are likely to fare in the Supreme Court.
Metal sculpture of Lady Justice holding a balance scale with her right hand
While the Supreme Court gets the most attention, the lower courts are also important in determining the meaning of national law and shaping national policy.
To analyze their behavior, we decided to focus on how Republican and Democratic appointees approach the decisions of the Environmental Protection Agency and the National Labor Relations Board.
We asked whether Republican appointees are less likely to vote to uphold liberal decisions from those agencies, than conservative ones; and whether Democratic appointees show the opposite pattern.
Here, too, we defined agency decisions as liberal or conservative depending on who challenged them.
If a labor union or an environmental group made the challenge, for example, the decision was labeled conservative. If a company challenged a labor ruling or an environmental regulation, the decision was characterized as liberal.
We again read all the decisions here to test our characterizations.
The answer: Partisan voting is pervasive on the lower federal courts.
When the agency’s decision is conservative, Republican appointees are far more likely to vote to uphold it than are Democratic appointees.
Democratic appointees show the same bias: When the agency’s decision is liberal, Democratic appointees are much more likely to vote to uphold it than are Republican appointees.
Republican appointees vote to uphold liberal agency decisions at a significantly lower rate than conservative agency decisions.
Democratic appointees vote to uphold liberal agency decisions at a significantly higher rate than conservative agency decisions.
Statue of a seated Chief Justice John Marshall inside the U.S. Supreme Court building in Washington, D.C.
1. First Lesson: Widespread conservative complaints about “liberal judicial activism” should be taken with many grains of salt.
If we ask how often the justices vote to strike down agency decisions, Scalia and Thomas, the most conservative members of the Supreme Court, show the most activist voting patterns.
By contrast, the justices commonly described as “liberal” are the least activist.
Of course, there are other measures of what makes a judge “activist,” and I do not claim that our method cannot be challenged, but it is useful to offer some statistical tests, which can ensure that critics are not building their conclusions into their definitions.
2. Second Lesson: Partisan voting is a serious problem in the federal judiciary.
If the EPA issues a regulation that is aggressive in cleaning the air, or if the National Labor Relations Board resolves a dispute in favor of a union, a panel that consists solely of Republican appointees is unusually inclined to strike it down.
No one should approve of a situation in which the fate of an environmental regulation depends on whether a lower court panel consists of one, two or three Republican appointees.
3. Third Lesson(perhaps the most important): Federal agencies in an Obama or McCain administration are likely to make a number of decisions that are more liberal than those of the Bush administration.
Many decisions will ultimately be challenged in federal court - and the Republican-appointed judges who dominate the federal bench could well prove to be a big obstacle.
On the Supreme Court, for example, Scalia and Thomas might be joined, much of the time, by Roberts and Alito.
On key occasions, Kennedy might probably join them as well.
Partly shaded upper left corner of the U.S. Supreme Court and its columns against a cloudless light blue sky