Democracy in Action tracks the campaign organization for presidential candidates and reveals a formidable number of campaign surrogates and field directors in Iowa, South Carolina and New Hampshire.

Sheri Few is Bachmann’s campaign director in South Carolina, and she’s no stranger to running for office; she’s tried three times for the South Carolina General Assembly. In 2008, her campaign literature said, “God has been preparing her to become a public servant for as long as she can remember.” That echoes Bachmann’s own assertions that God told her to run for Congress.

The Columbia Free Times reported in late August that Sheri Few runs an anti-gay, abstinence-only until marriage organization that took in $2.2 million in federal funds between 2005 and 2007.

That organization, South Carolina Parents Involved in Education (SCPIE), has been a very controversial one. It opposes Gay-Straight Alliances, safe-schools efforts and diversity training in schools. “The influence of homosexual activists within the nation’s educational system continues to grow, altering the attitudes of children and teens toward the acceptance of a unhealthy lifestyle,” the group wrote in 2008.

Few wrote in 2008, “I, for one, am glad that our state legislature has already safeguarded our children from the discussion of a lifestyle that is neither healthy nor normal. It is bad enough that we have to shelter our children from the borage [sic] of television shows that treats homosexuality as though it were just another choice among the smorgasbord of immoral behaviors networks portray as commonplace with no undesirable consequences.”

The group also says that evolutionary theory is a farce, has attempted to get intelligent design taught in schools and opposes vaccines for Human Papillomavirus.

But perhaps Few’s group’s biggest issue is abstinence-only until marriage. SCPIE took in $2,231,529 under the federal Community Based Abstinence Eduction Project. The group also receives hundreds of thousands of dollars from South Carolina for its abstinence programming, and has gotten money from the Institute for Youth Development through the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to create an abstinence toolkit.

Aside from Few’s founding of a federally-funded organization, she’s also worked as the Marriage Project Coordinator for the Palmetto Family Council, which has received federal funds for marriage programming.

Few has defended her new boss, Bachmann, in light of the candidate’s lagging poll numbers in the race.

“My opinion of the campaign is, it’s very strong and we’ll continue to gain momentum going into these debates,” she told the New York Times. “That’s a format at which Mrs. Bachmann truly shines. What we’ll see in the coming weeks will bring her back to where she was before.’’

One of Bachmann’s field directors in southeast Iowa, Emma Nemecek, came under criticism in 2007 when she was a field director for then-candidate Sam Brownback. Nemecek forwarded an email that attacked Brownback’s GOP rival for president Mitt Romney for being Mormon. The email said, in part, “Theologically, the only thing Christianity and the LDS (Later Day Saints) church has in common is the name of Jesus Christ, and the LDS Jesus is not the same Jesus of the Christian faith.”

Nemecek said at the time that forwarding the email was an honest mistake. She was reprimanded by the Brownback campaign.

But, Nemecek isn’t the only one working for Bachmann in Iowa who has had strong words about Mormons. Barbara Heki is in charge of organizing coalitions for the Bachmann campaign.

She worked with Mike Huckabee’s presidential campaign in 2007 and once told the New York Times, “Mormons spend two years of their lives as missionaries, preaching an anti-Christian doctrine. I don’t want someone out there, if I can help it, who’s going to be acting on an anti-Christian faith as the basis of their decision-making.”

Heki is a member of the Network of Iowa Christian Home Educators, a home-school activist group.

“Instead of looking at who’s electable, I’m looking at who’s the best person,” Heki told the Financial Times earlier this year. “From a theological perspective, biblically, God puts leaders in place and my role is to look for the most righteous leaders—to be a light by supporting them and then let God work through that.”

The Times notes that Heki opposes public schools and opposes abortion in all circumstances including cases of rape or incest.

Heki was paid by the American Family Association, a group the Southern Poverty Law Center has labeled an anti-gay hate group, during the campaign to oust three Iowa Supreme Court justices who ruled that the Iowa Constitution allows for same-sex marriage. Two other current Bachmann staffers worked on same campaign, Iowa for Freedom, against marriage equality.

Drew Klein is a field organizer for Bachmann. He recently stepped down as the director of the Iowa Faith and Freedom Coalition, which is the brainchild of former Christian Coalition head Ralph Reed.

Bachmann’s Iowa political director, Wes Enos, also worked for Iowa for Freedom. In a radio interview earlier this year, Enos called for the removal of the remaining justices and insinuated that they were enemies of God.

Perhaps the most controversial is Bachmann’s director of faith outreach in Iowa, Peter Waldron. Waldron was arrested in Uganda in 2006 on terrorism charges after authorities allegedly found guns and ammunition in his suburban Kampala home. Reports conflict on what exactly transpired there, but some say Waldron was attempting to collect a bounty on a militia leader, while other media reports claim he was attempting to set up a political party based on Christian values.

He’s founded of a number of organizations including Advancing American Freedom, Christians Restoring America’s Greatness (founder and president), Cities of Faith Ministries, the Contact America Group, Inc., and The Save The Family Foundation.

Waldron is a devout Christian and has worked with leaders in the Reconstructionist movement, a movement that advocates a Christian-centered government. He co-wrote a book called, “Rebuilding the Walls: A Biblical Strategy for Restoring America’s Greatness.”

He spent 37 days in Uganda prison before being released. The method of his release is also prone to conflicting reports. Waldron has insinuated that President Bush intervened on his behalf, but other media reports suggest that Ugandan officials didn’t have much of a case and lost interest in pursuing it.

He’s got a movie coming out about his ordeal in Uganda which may shed light on his side of the story, but Waldron himself has avoided any contact with the press since revelations of the terrorism charges and his connection to the Bachmann campaign were revealed in late-August. And much of his past history has been scrubbed from the internet.

He’s outlined his strategy for reaching evangelical voters. One component is prayer:

The candidate needs prayer and must develop a prayer network in each state. The prayer network secures the candidate’s position as a “legitimate” Evangelical and a member of the faith-based community. All people of faith respect prayer and its supernatural power. Everyone can pray and each person must feel a part of the candidate’s effort to receive the nomination. Prayer does not require money, fame, and position of influence or power to achieve a sense of importance.

Bachmann’s campaign released a statement praising Waldron’s efforts on behalf of the campaign. “Michele’s faith is an important part of her life and Peter did a tremendous job with our faith outreach in Iowa. We are fortunate to have him on our team and look forward to having him expanding his efforts in several states.”

Waldron is currently working in South Carolina on behalf of the campaign, according to a Facebook posting which Waldron recently took down.

The early 1990s: Creationism and R-rated films

The 1992 flap over whether the district should teach creationism alongside evolution came when a handful of parents on the district’s curriculum committee targeted the school’s science standards. Mark Temke, a school board member at the time, sided with the minority on that committee.

“Scientifically, if somebody told me I was a descendant of an ape, I would say, ‘Then why are there still apes?’” he said at a 1992 board meeting. “I disagree with that wholeheartedly. I don’t believe for one minute that I’m a descendant of anything of the kind. And there is no proof for it, either.”

He added, “There is not one minute of my entire life I’ve ever believed in evolution.”

Ultimately, the board upheld the teaching of evolution, but it directed teachers to be sensitive to Christian students.

In 1995, Temke was also behind a move to edit R-rated films shown in district schools to remove “vulgar or profane language, nudity, sexual[ly] explicit scenes or violence which are deemed to be educationally unsuitable.”

“The goal was to eliminate R-rated material from the schools, and we’ve accomplished that,” he told the Star Tribune. “So to say that an R-rated film will be shown is not true — after the editing, it will be G.”

In the early 1990s, conservative Christian parents also mounted a campaign to enact an abstinence-only until marriage sex education curriculum but were rebuffed by the school board.

The 1995 “no promo homo” policy

Also in 1995, the district adopted a policy that directed that “while respect be maintained toward all people, homosexuality not be taught/addressed as a normal, valid lifestyle and that the district staff and their resources not advocate the homosexual lifestyle.”

That policy was a precursor to the less discriminatory “neutrality policy” which is the target of a lawsuit filed in July of this year. That suit, brought by six current and former students, alleged that the policy creates a hostile climate for gay, lesbian, transgender and bisexual students.

“I believe we have to set a standard and it has to be the right standard,” Temke, who was again at the heart of the controversy, said at a 1995 school board meeting. “We are not interested in putting anybody down. But we want to recommend marriage and a healthy lifestyle.”

Gwen Moore, a parent of the district, said at the time, “It is difficult to teach without values. I’d like my values taught instead of someone else’s.”

The policy was created by a handful of parents on the curriculum committee. Of 25 parents who helped evaluate the curriculum, only five recommended the changes.

In addition to the policy on homosexuality, those parents also included language for health education classes that directed that “sodomy and masturbation not be discussed in any elementary classroom. Elementary students raising questions on these issues will be referred to their parents.” It also required that “all sex education curriculum will emphasize the positive advantages of saving sex for monogamous heterosexual marriage.”

Enter Barb Anderson

Book banning was also a cause for conservative Christian parents.

Barb Anderson of the Minnesota Family Council

In 1997, Barb Anderson, a parent who had moved her children to private school, helped get the “Goosebumps” series of children’s books removed from Anoka-Hennepin libraries and classrooms. The controversy made the pages of the New York Times that year.

“I’m just amazed and appalled that the only way you people can get your children to read books is to let them read this type of garbage,” she told the Times.

Anderson, who has worked for the Minnesota Family Council for more than a decade, also helped found the Parents Action League in 2009, a group that has opposed Gay-Straight Alliances and diversity training in the district and that wants “ex-gay” therapy taught in the schools.

The resignation of Alyssa Williams and the rise of Parents in Touch

The Family Council has been no stranger to the raging debates in the district. It was involved in perhaps one of the most contentious issues for the district: When Alyssa Williams was hired to be a part-time music teacher in 1998 and 1999.

Once conservative Christian parents learned that Alyssa was transgender, they launched a campaign called “Parents in Touch” to have her removed from the classroom.

Sandy Crosby, a spokesperson for Parents in Touch, told the Star Tribune, “For them to have special privileges like blacks or Native Americans, that’s just a bunch of fill in the blank. When it comes to this sexual diversity, that is not OK and we don’t want it in our schools.”

Parents in Touch recruited 30 local pastors to put pressure on the school board. The pastors, calling themselves Concerned Pastors of the District 11 Community, wrote a letter to the district arguing that hiring Williams showed “a great disregard for Judeo-Christian values.”

“It’s a sin against God,” district parent Tanna Whiteford told the Star Tribune in 1998. “As a Christian family, we teach our children that this is wrong. I can deal with it at work if there’s someone there like that, but this is in the school. When do we get to say, ‘No?’ ”

Parents in Touch also recruited the help of the American Center for Law and Justice, a legal group founded by televangelist Pat Robertson of the 700 Club. ACLJ threatened to sue the district over Williams’ hiring and the accommodations the district made for her.

Parents in Touch comprised about three dozen parents. Of Williams’ 445 students, only 25 were pulled from her classroom by parents who opposed her hiring.

Some parents, however, were appalled by the behavior of the conservative Christian parents.

“When I got home I told my husband, ‘I have never before experienced true prejudice in my life until tonight,”‘ one parent, who declined to use her real name, told the Star Tribune after a parent meeting about Williams. “I didn’t know people could be so mean.”

As the controversy raged, the Minnesota Family Council jumped into the fray, calling on legislators to repeal the Minnesota Human Rights Act. Passed in 1993, the measure made it illegal to fire individuals based on their sexual orientation or gender identity.

The Family Council issued a press release saying that it objected to the school district “promoting particular sexual lifestyles” and “men dressing as women in our public schools.”

The campaign worked, and in early 1999 Williams resigned. She didn’t cite a reason, but in an interview with the Los Angeles Times later, Williams said the parents “worked tirelessly to get rid of me. They do not want to accept that I exist.”

The 2000s: The Minnesota Family Council takes on the district

Anderson and the Minnesota Family Council have been behind other instances of controversy in the district.

Image: mfc.org

In early 2002, Anderson was shocked to see a poster hanging in the Champlin Park High School that offered “a toll-free resource, referral and counseling service” to LGBT students. The poster included a number, 1-877-GLBT-543, and was paid for “by The State Of Minnesota and the Office for Victims of Crime, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice.”

Having come to the school to vote, Anderson was incensed. “I was unprepared to be faced with another issue altogether — a homosexual propaganda poster on the main bulletin board by the administration office,” she wrote on the Minnesota Family Council’s website.

She called the school’s principal. “I briefly expressed my reasons as to why this poster was a propaganda piece and that without parental knowledge or consent, students calling this number could be indoctrinated into the homosexual lifestyle, referred to homosexual support groups, used for political purposes or put at risk for being affirmed in unhealthy and dangerous behaviors. My concerns did not fall on deaf ears.”

The poster was removed. Anderson said she reminded the principal of the 1995 policy prohibiting positive references to LGBT people and issues. Then she pushed to have a different kind of poster put up in its place.

“I asked if it would be possible to put up a new poster from an organization that could help students struggling with same-sex attraction to come out of the homosexual lifestyle – such as Outpost or Exodus International,” she wrote. The principal insisted that no posters be shown that involve LGBT issues from either side.

Of the ordeal, Anderson said, “I am very thankful that students will no longer be greeted by a homosexual advocacy poster when they walk into Champlin Park High School.”

Anderson and the Family Council continued to push back against safe schools initiatives in late 2002. She succeeded in getting a seminar for district staff called “Understanding Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender Youth” postponed.

She recalled:

On November 15th, I received an e-mail from Superintendent Roger Giroux stating, “Staff will ensure that the focus and agenda of the teacher workshop will center on addressing the needs of students at risk. There are no changes in school board guidelines, policies and/or directives from previous years. Staff will work to ensure consistency of workshop content with school board guidelines, policies, and directives. The school district does not promote gay/straight alliances in schools.”

But, to Anderson’s dismay, “the seminar went forward with the agenda of affirming and advocating homosexuality as a normal, valid lifestyle and making it clear that anyone who does not agree is homophobic.”

She wrote on the Minnesota Family Council’s website that the district was not following its 1995 directive that “homosexuality not be taught/addressed as a normal, valid lifestyle.”

“The greatest harm, however, comes to the young people who will receive this information and be affirmed in school district gay/straight alliances (already in place) as to whatever sexual behavior they feel is right for them: gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender,” she wrote.

That 1995 policy was scrapped in 2009 and replaced with the “neutrality policy,” which states that discussions of LGBT issues are best left to parents, churches and community groups and should not be taught in district classrooms.

The policy has sparked protest in the district on both sides. LGBT allies in the district say the policy hampers anti-bulling efforts and alienates LGBT students. And six students have filed suit against the district alleging widespread harassment.

The Parents Action League, which is being supported by Anderson and the Minnesota Family Council, has generated a petition to keep the policy in place.

PAL claims that without the policy, students will be indoctrinated with the “gay agenda.”

The school board has insisted that, at least for now, the policy will remain in place.

After saying that evolution is a “theory” that has “some gaps in it,” Perry tells the boy that “in Texas we teach both creationism and evolution in our public schools.”

The only problem with that, of course, is that it’s not true.

The Supreme Court ruled in 1987 that teaching creationism in public schools would be unconstitutional. Following a 2009 decision by the State Board of Education, Texas science teachers must encourage students to take a critical look at “all sides” of scientific theories like evolution.

As our sister site, The Texas Independent has reported, that state-mandated ambivalence about a theory as widely accepted as evolution has drawn challenges over the years. Just last month, the SBOE opted not to approve supplemental science materials featuring intelligent design.

The watchdog group Texas Freedom Network has worked for years to oppose efforts to teach religious alternatives to evolution in public schools. Its president, Kathy Miller said in a statement that Perry’s remarks were “irresponsible” and could have dangerous consequences:

Gov. Perry has once again waded into the culture wars for political gain, but without considering the harmful consequences. It is irresponsible for the leader of a state, or a presidential hopeful, to suggest to public school teachers that it is OK to teach creationism as science when such attempts have repeatedly been ruled unconstitutional by the courts, and could result in litigation against a school district.

It was the second day in a row Perry’s been pressed on his beliefs about science — Wednesday he denied not only that humans have caused global climate change, but that the climate was changing at all.

Former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman took in some more moderate GOP traffic when he tweeted his belief in both evolution and global warming Thursday.

They both answered no, but the first full debate for the Board featured lengthy conversations about Christianity and creationism, as well as the role of sex ed in public schools. The Texas Independent has the story.

Not Great: Because McLeroy’s challenger, Republican Thomas Ratcliff, won with just 50.5 percent of the vote — a razor-thin margin indicating that roughly half of the district wanted McLeroy to remain.

Is there any wonder that American kids are so far behind the rest of the developed world in science?

“Texas is on the right path toward improved education, and we would be foolish and irresponsible to place our children’s future in the hands of unelected bureaucrats and special interest groups thousands of miles away in Washington, virtually eliminating parents’ participation in their children’s education,” Gov. Perry said. “If Washington were truly concerned about funding education with solutions that match local challenges, they would make the money available to states with no strings attached.”

Texas’ curriculum standards, which determine what students are taught in Texas classrooms, are set by the elected State Board of Education (SBOE). The SBOE recently adopted one of the nation’s first college- and career-ready curriculum standards in core subjects after receiving widespread input from Texas education and business leaders.

Ah, yes. The Texas State Board of Education. One would certainly not want to impose national standards on such an eccentric body.

In August, ThinkProgress flagged an article from The Houston Chronicle reporting that new history textbook standards being drafted by the state board of education had a strong right-wing bias.

The first draft for proposed standards in United States History Studies Since Reconstruction says students should be expected “to identify significant conservative advocacy organizations and individuals, such as Newt Gingrich, Phyllis Schlafly and the Moral Majority.”

According to The Chronicle, the standards did not include any mention of corresponding significant advocacy organizations and individuals on the left. Republicans on the 15-member board outnumber Democrats by a margin of two-to-one.

The Texas Tribune reported that last year one conservative board member urged his colleagues to include an endorsement of McCarthyism in the state social studies textbook standards.

Bill Ames had neither history or education credentials nor respect for fellow committee members who did. Indeed, the retired IBM executive and conservative gadfly believed they had been planted there in a conspiracy of “liberal groups” and unions who wanted to “hijack” U.S. history — or so he would later write in a three-part, 9,300-word rant, “The Left’s War on History,” that was published by the conservative web site Texas Insider.

When the committee took up McCarthyism, for instance, Ames argued that disgraced Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy was actually an American hero. “The SBOE, noting the predictable leftist condemnation of … McCarthy for his anti-communist activity, requested the inclusion of the Venona papers, which revealed that the U.S. government was in fact infiltrated by communists,” Ames later wrote.

And who could forget the creationism debate that took place in the state last spring? By a one-vote margin, the board rejected language — crafted by Perry’s creationist appointee to head the board, Don McLeroy — that would have required Texas science teachers to cast doubts on the theory of evolution.

One section required teachers to “analyze, review, and critique scientific explanations, including hypotheses and theories, as to their strengths and weaknesses using scientific evidence and information,” and the other required high school students to study the “sufficiency or insufficiency” of key principles of evolution.

Of course, it’s ultimately Perry’s decision whether or not to apply for federal education grants. But it’s worth noting that according to a 2007 factsheet (pdf) prepared by Rice University for a Texas House of Representatives legislative briefing:

As reported by multiple researchers, approximately 67% of all students are graduating statewide, just 60% of African Americans, and 58% of Hispanic students. Graduation rates in our large urban districts hover around 50%.

Perry is currently facing a tough primary challenge from Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Texas), and he hasn’t missed many opportunities to flash his far-right credentials to GOP voters. But with graduation numbers like those, is it really in his state’s interest for Perry to play politics with potential federal education assistance?

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