rssAs Troops Withdraw, Iraq Provincial Reconstruction Teams to Change
Wednesday, March 11, 2009 at 2:35 pm
- 105 Comments
U.S. Soldiers provide security for a Provincial Reconstruction Team visiting the ancient city of Ashur, Iraq. (army.mil)
A key State Department program that seeks to bolster the capability of Iraqi provincial and local authorities to govern will remain in place over the next year with some modifications, its Washington-based director said. But concerns remain about whether the program will be sufficient to address the continuing political and economic challenges in Iraq as U.S. troops withdraw.
Since 2005, small groups made of U.S. diplomats, military officers, development experts and legal advisers called Provincial Reconstruction Teams have worked with Iraqi leaders at the province and district levels around the country to bolster their capacity to govern. In an application of untraditional diplomatic work that some in and outside the State Department see as vital in weak or failed states, the teams help Iraqis write and execute budgets and aid in the development of their judicial systems. While the drawdown and eventual withdrawal of U.S. troops in Iraq will ultimately mean the end of the PRTs, “the PRT program is not going to disappear anytime soon,” said Wade Weems, the Department of State’s Director of Provincial Reconstruction, Transition and Stabilization for Iraq. “We’re not leaving more quickly than the military.”
But the PRT program will change between now and August 2010, when the U.S. combat mission ends. In addition to the 14 PRTs, there are also ten teams that work at the district level, known as Embedded Provincial Reconstruction Teams, or ePRTs, owing to their status as embedded units within the U.S. Army’s Brigade Combat Teams. Over the course of the next 15 months, the Brigade Combat Teams will leave Iraq or transition into Advisory and Assistance Brigades. Weems said the ePRTs’ personnel — a smaller team than the 15 to 25 members of an average PRT — will probably be absorbed into a regular PRT. Regular PRTs rely on partner relationships with the military to move around Iraq, which will continue to be the case.
“The provincial team will maintain the coverage of districts,” he said. “The configuration will change, but we intend to have a pretty robust… civilian presence well into 2010.” Weems declined to predict the future of the PRT structure beyond 2010, but said that by the end of 2011, when the U.S.-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement mandates the full withdrawal of the U.S. forces that the PRTs rely upon to travel around the country, the functions of the PRTs will be taken over by the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad or its consular Regional Embassy Offices throughout the country — what Weems called “a traditional diplomatic presence.” No decisions have yet been reached about the pace of consolidating the PRTs into consulates or embassies before 2010.
Already the ePRT drawdown has commenced. Some of the combat brigades that arrived in Iraq in 2007 as part of the troop surge contained ePRTs. With their departure last year, four ePRTs have either been disbanded or absorbed into regular PRTs, Weems explained.
The PRTs’ budget request for the next fiscal year will be the same as for the current one, according to State Department spokesman John Fleming, approximately $650 million. That decision may alarm some Iraq specialists in and outside the administration who fear that the department may not be prepared to shoulder a sufficient amount of the burden in Iraq as the U.S. withdraws its troops. The PRTs took years to develop capacity and competence among the Iraqi provincial leadership. But much of that leadership has been voted out of office in January’s provincial elections, and the incoming leadership will not be familiar with Iraq’s arcane budgetary and governing process. On top of Iraq’s continued sectarian strife, a shift to new leadership that’s unskilled in the unglamorous decision making that delivers services to Iraq’s population risks a discontinuity in governance that could invite new violence.
Stephen Biddle, an security expert at the Council on Foreign Relations who has advised Central Command chief Gen. David Petraeus, noted that dropping oil prices have created severe pressures on the Iraqi budget, which is dependent on oil. Helping provincial governments prepare their budgets is a core PRT function. “Economic development has become more salient,” Biddle said. “The implication, therefore, would be to increase funding for the PRTs.” Biddle doubted that a PRT budget of $650 million was sufficient.
Weems said the PRTs didn’t require more money or more personnel to be effective as the troop drawdown proceeds. “I don’t think necessarily having more people is [the] right answer,” he said. “The right answer is better coordination between the people we do have out there, with our military counterparts, and other agencies doing [governmental] capacity-building in the provinces, like USAID.” He pointed to January’s provincial elections, in which politicians who argued the need for a more responsive government largely prevailed, as heralding the arrival of a “more receptive group” to the PRTs’ message of improved technocratic governance. There are about 460 U.S. officials from the departments of State, Defense, Justice, Agriculture and USAID working for the PRTs currently, as well approximately 250 Iraqis employed by them, a figure Weems “expects to grow” as “our numbers draw down.”
Nor does Weems think the program budget for the PRTs needs to rise in order to meet the challenges of the next year in Iraq. “Some of best projects I’ve seen in Iraq have been done for 25 grand,” he said, “and some of the worst have cost millions of dollars. Money is not a good gauge or measure of effectiveness.”
Some observers think it’s only natural that as that governmental capacity increases, the PRTs should work themselves out of a job, to use a term favored by U.S. military and civilian advisers in Iraq. “As the Iraqi government solidifies, stabilizes, and begins to operate [on] its own, this kind of function is less and less neccessary,” said Robert Perito, a nation-building expert with the U.S. Institute of Peace. “The point of the PRTs was they were always supposed to phase out. They were the bridge between combat and peace. As we get to peace, they should disappear.”
Still, top administration officials envision a continued role for the PRTs over the next three years. In a conference call the day that President Obama unveiled his plan to withdraw U.S. troops, Defense Secretary Bob Gates cited PRT support as a core function for the remaining military presence. “Our folks would provide protection for the Provincial Reconstruction Teams and other civilians working in Iraq,” Gates told reporters on Feb. 27, referring to the 30,000 to 55,000 troops expected to remain in Iraq between August 2010 and December 2011.
Similarly, in a conference call with reporters last week, Maj. Gen. David Perkins, director of strategic effects for the U.S. military command in Iraq, called the PRTs “a major portion” of the residual U.S. mission in Iraq and said that they recently received “additional funding.” Weems said he was unsure of the basis for that statement, since the budget request for the PRTs — which has yet to be formally made — will be in the same “ballpark” as last year.
There have been some disagreements between the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad and diplomats out in the field with the PRTs about how rapidly PRT consolidation should occur. Some administration and State Department officials have noted that the PRTs implicitly challenge the notion of traditional diplomacy, in which two governments deal with each other in national capitals, rather than take a more expeditionary approach and work with local or even opposition officials on bolstering aspects of governance. Such a challenge can lead to discomfort with the idea of the PRTs.
But some see the department as adapting to a more expeditionary mindset, however slowly. “There’s a recognition that going down and talking to the foreign ministry doesn’t do the job,” said a senior State Department official who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the press. “Most every one of us [feels] cooped up in an embassy. If [diplomats] want sit in an embassy and look at a computer screen, they could have saved the money on a plane ticket” and remained at home instead.
As well, some PRT veterans are going on to bigger things at the department, a minor but notable indication that Foggy Bottom values PRT service. A former director of provincial reconstruction and local governance in Kabul, Bruce Rogers, now runs the U.S. embassy in Latvia.
To some degree, Weems is an example of that changing culture: he’s not a foreign service officer at all. A lawyer and Marine veteran of Iraq, he noticed the “utter lack of civilian presence” during a tour in western Iraq in 2004. “We didn’t have much in the way of civilian assistance in our work with the farmers union or the city council,” he recalled. “When they stood up the PRT program shortly after I got back from my Marine tour, I just wanted be part of that.” Weems volunteered to be a deputy team leader the PRT in the southern province of Muthanna in 2006. By 2007, he requested another yearlong PRT stint, this time leading the PRT in the southeastern province of Wasit. Unexpectedly, he became the department’s director for Iraq PRTs last July.
While he “applaud[ed] the many State Department personnel” who’ve joined the PRTs, Weems noted that the program was changing the way the department thinks of itself. “It’s attracting a different type of recruit into the State Department, people who want to go out and get their boots muddy, and who want to do the more dynamic, slightly adventurous, muddy-boot diplomacy that we at the PRTs do,” he said. “It’s inevitable that would have some effect on the State Department.”
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105 Comments
Comment posted March 13, 2009 @ 3:41 am
What makes you think that Americans, whether military, State department officials or well-meaning NGO's, have anything useful to impart to Iraqi provincial officials about local administration and development (whatever that means)? Do you really think they can understand the environment they are working in. How long will it be before some idiot suggests sending Peace-Corps volunteers? The whole idea is a Washington-originated program which relies on wishful thinking and ignorance. The “Provincial Reconstruction Team” scheme was dreamed-up by the Defence Department to “win hearts and minds” in Afghanistan and to harness USAID's development funds to the military effort. You can see how well it has worked there. It doesn't work because it is fundamentally misguided and cannot work. Foreigners cannot do the work of locals: they do not know what can be done nor how to do it. And the military is incompetent to direct development priorities.
Comment posted March 13, 2009 @ 8:09 am
In response to Eric Yendall's comments:
Winning hearts and minds, and idealized nation-building, is the dream state. The basics of just helping to restore local services and systems is as good as it gets on the civilian side, and critical. The military is not the right party to direct post-conflict development priorities.
So I agree with you to a point.
As part of the PRT effort in Iraq, I believe you lay down some very important principles. A Washington-originated program always starts with some measure of wishful thinking and ignorance, and the Iraqis locals were often left out, to our early detriment. But, for the PRTs on the ground, dreaming was not an option, so learning to build Iraqi engagement and participation, especially against the backdrop of huge US institutions, took a lot of doing.
As Mr. Weems noted, PRTs require a significant change in US institutional mindset, and that doesn't happen overnight, whether for the State Department or the military. But the role of PRTs in modern conflicts is critical to reconstructing post-conflict areas like Iraq for two very important reasons—restoring technical expertise and intergovernmental linkages.
In Iraq, most of the technocrats fled or went underground, and all the day-to-day equipment and resources of modern government— highly skilled workers, trucks and heavy equipment, spare parts, plans and records, and electricity and communications—had disappeared through flight, looting, or war damage. Everything was paralyzed, like New Orleans after Katrina, but the war raged amidst the debris.
Imagine the chaos if, in Fairfax County, VA or Orange County, CA, all the public works, traffic management, communications and electrical workers (from management to field staff) disappeared overnight, and all the trucks, phones, spare parts and plans (such as those needed to keep utility systems operating) were looted and gone. You would see the kind of civilian and economic chaos that Iraq is still inching its way out of.
Assuming you were a replacement for those highly-skilled workers: With turmoil in the streets, and lack of communications, equipment and supplies, or technical expertise, how could you do anything productive to stabilize the situation, let alone get the lights back on and traffic moving?
Measured against the chaos of the Iraq war, the emergence of PRTs was, and remains, essential to “reconstruct” technical competence, communications, and a minimum of governmental operations in an otherwise highly-complex, but war damaged, society.
Iraq was never the type of Third World nation that Peace Corps, US Aid and UN programs are optimized for. These were huge cities and large towns with rich histories, relatively high levels of education, social services and systems, and a very complex and challenging societal structure.
The parallels in civilian reconstruction in Iraq were, in many ways, more to those of New Orleans than Mogadishu, but with an embedded war still criss-crossing the provinces. Due to the war, thousands of brave local Iraqi workers were killed just trying to restore power and basic services, so just assisting them with security and communications alone was essential. And our troops and nation, especially in 2007 and 2008, remained at serious risk until basic local and governmental systems could be restored.
I spent a year on the ground as part of the 2007-2008 PRT civilian surge. As Mr. Weems implied, the job was never easy, and a still-learning US bureaucracy was sometimes more an impediment than an asset, but I know that the work was essential to restoring basic civilian services in Iraq—a small cog in the post-conflict stabilization needed to quiet the fighting, and get us (and the Iraqis) through the Iraq experience.
Those of us that gained PRT experience in Iraq, where everything broke at once, and the civilian collapse cascaded into the chaos of war, have a far greater appreciation of the joy of being “safe at home” in the US, but also understand that staying safe at home sometimes requires more complicated undertakings than just sending bushels of US food supplies, or the regular list of relief agencies and NGOs.
With a first-hand knowledge of Iraq's history, circumstance, and governmental capacity, I understand how our work made a difference, and how it's continuation through a smooth transition is essential to assuring our fastest and safest withdrawal.
The State Department's PRTs have had very little involvement with Afghanistan to date, but our Lessons Learned might actually be a valuable resource there, or in the next New Orleans.
In the big picture, my main concern is that the Iraqi and Afghan experiences teach us to factor post-conflict realities into advanced war planning. More than anything, that would give pause to future leaders about what they are facing before they go to war again.
Stephen Donnelly
Former Senior PRT Planning Adviser,
Salah ad Din PRT (Tikrit, Iraq)
Comment posted March 17, 2009 @ 9:39 am
Hey Eric, have you spent a lot of time on a PRT? I spent a year in Al Anbar Iraq as Chief of Governance for the Anbar PRT and we had sensational success working with the provincial council and the other provincial level officials. I get the same reports from friends serving in both Iraq and Aghanistan. From my first hand experience your comments are simply uninformed.
John Gerlaugh, Deputy Director for Iraq Policy, The Pentagon
Comment posted March 18, 2009 @ 1:06 am
Great report on a vital topic that doesn't get much press! Thank you.
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Comment posted March 24, 2009 @ 1:38 am
The PRT is a waste of time and money; some people are getting rich and the others get a good salary and employment, may be for the rest is just cashing the time; and about the military personals it is a good living condition in a battle field, there is no real contribution or participation in building the Iraqi capacity, the Iraqi DG's are more experienced to restore the services, than the PRT teams.
What the PRT is doing now? Is it the QRF packages 25,000 $US!! Which is abused as a donation to keep relations with the Iraqis, or some GIS training packages , which is more easier to get it from the Iraqi Ministry of Planning , or training some of the provincial council members outside Iraq ( Shopping Visits) , or the USAID micro corruption loans, or the big RTI Joke (workshops, classes) regarding teaching the Iraqis the Democracy , the Iraqi mentality and the Iraqi legal system is far beyond to be digested by the PRT teams , the Governance teams are spying on the provincial councils, but even they don't know what the Iraqis are up to , especially with the new provincial councils.
Hey people, wake up!! I don't know when we stop and learn, or to say the truth.
Comment posted March 24, 2009 @ 8:38 am
The PRT is a waste of time and money; some people are getting rich and the others get a good salary and employment, may be for the rest is just cashing the time; and about the military personals it is a good living condition in a battle field, there is no real contribution or participation in building the Iraqi capacity, the Iraqi DG's are more experienced to restore the services, than the PRT teams.
What the PRT is doing now? Is it the QRF packages 25,000 $US!! Which is abused as a donation to keep relations with the Iraqis, or some GIS training packages , which is more easier to get it from the Iraqi Ministry of Planning , or training some of the provincial council members outside Iraq ( Shopping Visits) , or the USAID micro corruption loans, or the big RTI Joke (workshops, classes) regarding teaching the Iraqis the Democracy , the Iraqi mentality and the Iraqi legal system is far beyond to be digested by the PRT teams , the Governance teams are spying on the provincial councils, but even they don't know what the Iraqis are up to , especially with the new provincial councils.
Hey people, wake up!! I don't know when we stop and learn, or to say the truth.
Comment posted October 22, 2009 @ 7:25 am
we like the job what PRT TEAM doing in iraq:
we have some issue about (camp ramadi) west of iraq
- name of the base: (junction city) -iraq- camp ramadi
- we saw some bribes and kickbacks on contracts involved so far two usa hire as lingusit(work with GLS) company.they get kik back by al-cohol and amoney
some investigation was going on on this matter but they stopped: any way these
two names for these lingusit:
1- attaf harb(work with prt team as usa hire cat 11) he goes by name (joe) drink al-cohol evry day with one usa department empolyee
2- hussiam al-shrif(work with prt team as usa hire cat 1) he goes by name(steve) had case back in 2007 for harsement iraqi women and abuse in baghdad.he get good kik back from the contractor with money and even he let them sleep in his room and party every day.
we like to take apportunity to see about this case .we are not stopping to stop people who like to wast usa tax payer money.
will provid you with more info when the case will start.
best regards
Comment posted August 6, 2010 @ 7:42 am
What the PRT is doing now? Is it the QRF packages 25,000 $US!! Which is abused as a donation to keep relations with the Iraqis, or some GIS training packages , which is more easier to get it from the Iraqi Ministry of Planning , or training some of the provincial council members outside Iraq ( Shopping Visits) , or the USAID micro corruption loans, or the big RTI Joke (workshops, classes) regarding teaching the Iraqis the Democracy , the Iraqi mentality and the Iraqi legal system is far beyond to be digested by the PRT teams , the Governance teams are spying on the provincial councils, but even they don't know what the Iraqis are up to , especially with the new provincial councils.
Comment posted August 22, 2010 @ 9:50 pm
Like John and Stephen, I have worked on the PRT as well. I actually worked with Stephen. I would have to agree with both John and Steve, the Iraq War is not over and it is not “won.” In fact, it is at as critical a stage as at any time since 2003. Regardless of the reasons for going to war, everything now depends on a successful transition to an effective and unified Iraqi government, and Iraqi security forces that can bring both security and stability to the average Iraqi.
There are many in America, including members of Congress, who would like to forget the war, and reduced the US role in Iraq as soon as possible. This already has raised questions as to whether the US mission in Iraq, and State Department and Defense Department will get the support they need to create a real strategic partnership with Iraq.
One of the positive changes made during the Surge was to dramatically increase the number of Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in Iraq. Early attempts at reconstruction in Iraq under the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) were characterized by huge, multi-million dollar projects without regard to security, cost, or the needs of Iraqis. The PRTs tried to reverse these trends by focusing upon small-scale projects that were coordinated with local Iraqis and government officials. The PRTs always struggled with staffing, coordination, and early on security was an overriding concern, which limited their ability to operate out in Iraq’s governorates, but there were eventually 14 teams and 10 Embedded Provincial Reconstruction Teams that worked alongside U.S. combat brigades.
A July 2009 report by the State Department’s Inspector General also suggested that the PRTs be terminated by 2011 to cut the department’s costs. These announcements are worrying PRT officials, some of whom are going back to old U.S. habits of funding large projects in an effort to spend all their money before they are closed down. Other team members are worried this will be a waste, and undermine the more successful grassroots work that the PRTs were known for.
Iraq relies in large part on U.S. reconstruction outlays because its own bureaucracy lacks the means and capacity to spend most of their own investment money. Putting an end to the PRTs, and pushing huge infrastructure projects as their last gasp could be the worst of both worlds. As U.S. commitment to Iraq’s development comes to a halt, the last vestiges of this effort may end up adding little to a country with such great needs.
Former Senior PRT Business Development Adviser,
Salah ad Din PRT (Tikrit, Iraq)
Comment posted August 22, 2010 @ 9:52 pm
Regarding Eric Yendall's comments:
Like John and Stephen, I have worked on the PRT's as well. I actually worked with Stephen. And, I would have to agree with both John and Steve, the Iraq War is not over and it is not “won.” In fact, it is at as critical a stage as at any time since 2003. Regardless of the reasons for going to war, everything now depends on a successful transition to an effective and unified Iraqi government, and Iraqi security forces that can bring both security and stability to the average Iraqi.
There are many in America, including members of Congress, who would like to forget the war, and reduced the US role in Iraq as soon as possible. This already has raised questions as to whether the US mission in Iraq, and State Department and Defense Department will get the support they need to create a real strategic partnership with Iraq.
One of the positive changes made during the Surge was to dramatically increase the number of Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in Iraq. Early attempts at reconstruction in Iraq under the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) were characterized by huge, multi-million dollar projects without regard to security, cost, or the needs of Iraqis. The PRTs tried to reverse these trends by focusing upon small-scale projects that were coordinated with local Iraqis and government officials. The PRTs always struggled with staffing, coordination, and early on security was an overriding concern, which limited their ability to operate out in Iraq’s governorates, but there were eventually 14 teams and 10 Embedded Provincial Reconstruction Teams that worked alongside U.S. combat brigades.
A July 2009 report by the State Department’s Inspector General also suggested that the PRTs be terminated by 2011 to cut the department’s costs. These announcements are worrying PRT officials, some of whom are going back to old U.S. habits of funding large projects in an effort to spend all their money before they are closed down. Other team members are worried this will be a waste, and undermine the more successful grassroots work that the PRTs were known for.
Iraq relies in large part on U.S. reconstruction outlays because its own bureaucracy lacks the means and capacity to spend most of their own investment money. Putting an end to the PRTs, and pushing huge infrastructure projects as their last gasp could be the worst of both worlds. As U.S. commitment to Iraq’s development comes to a halt, the last vestiges of this effort may end up adding little to a country with such great needs.
Former Senior PRT Business Development Adviser,
Salah ad Din PRT (Tikrit, Iraq)
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