An Evolving Role for the Army

By
Tuesday, October 07, 2008 at 6:15 am

Soldier as policeman may be the infantry man's next mission. (Army.mil)

The U.S. Army on Monday unveiled a new field manual for stability operations — the panoply of activities to secure a government’s control over its populace and keep the peace — taking yet another step beyond the military’s traditional role of preparing to fight and win the nation’s wars.

Formally known as FM 3-07, the Stability Operations field manual is a 200-page attempt to develop doctrine for mid-career to senior officers who must implement a wide range of tasks — from building irrigation systems to supporting district-level elections — previously thought outside the Army’s scope. It instructs commanders to work not only with civilian U.S. government agencies but with non-traditional allies, like non-governmental organizations.

The manual predicts that conflicts in the next 10 to 25 years will not be like Iraq or Afghanistan — where the U.S. military overthrows a foreign government and attempts to create a new governing structure — but instead envisions indirect U.S. support to foreign governments that battle their own insurgencies. At the same time, the manual uses practical lessons from both wars.

Illustration by: Matt Mahurin

Illustration by: Matt Mahurin

“As the nation continues into this era of uncertainty and persistent conflict, the lines separating war and peace, enemy and friend, have blurred,” writes Lt. Gen. William Caldwell in the manual’s preface. Caldwell commands the Combined Arms Center at Ft. Leavenworth, considered the Army’s intellectual center.

Marking the manual’s step into the future, the Combined Arms Center released FM 3-07, for Field Manual 3-07, on its Website Monday morning, shortly before a lunchtime presentation by Caldwell’s commander, Gen. William Wallace of the U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, as part of a major Army conference that is held annually.

The manual reflects a movement within the Army that is propelling the service away from its traditional role of battling a hostile state’s military. Accelerated in part by the Iraq and Afghanistan experience, this movement — led by the defense theorist-practitioners called the counterinsurgents, who assert that the U.S. military must prepare for a future of asymmetric conflict — has recently scored a string of institutional accomplishments in the area of doctrine.

In 2006, the Army and Marine Corps released FM 3-24, the counterinsurgency field manual spearheaded by Army Gen. David Petraeus and Marine Gen. James Mattis. Earlier this year, the Army revised its field manual on basic operations, known as FM 3-0, to elevate stability operations to an essential core competency — as important as defeating foreign enemies and protecting the U.S. from attack.

Speaking on a bloggers’ conference call Monday, Caldwell said the stability operations field manual derived from the revision to FM 3-0. “This is a significant mind-shift,” Caldwell said. He pointed out, “We have always conducted stability operations in our Army’s history” and the manual’s first section subtly reinterprets Army history to be “characterized by stability operations, interrupted by distinct episodes of major combat” — but never before has that history been “codified into doctrine.”

This doctrine recognizes a mission for the Army that is far less clear than in major combat. It may be the first time the Army considers one of its central tasks to be a subordinate role to other agencies or partners.

“Through stability operations, military forces help to set the conditions that enable the actions of the other instruments of national power to succeed in achieving the broad goals of conflict transformation,” the manual states. “By quickly dictating the terms of action and driving positive change in the environment, military forces improve the security situation and create opportunities for civilian agencies and organizations to contribute.”

The manual specifically states that a State Dept. office known as the Office of the Coordinator of Post-Conflict Reconstruction is “designated to coordinate” stability operations across the entire U.S. government.

Like with the counterinsurgency manual, FM 3-07 emphasizes that the real battle in stability operations takes place in the minds of a foreign populace. It places great emphasis on the “legitimacy” of a host government.

The manual offers advice on “managing expectations and informing the people about friendly intentions and actions.” It points to the need for military force to allow civilian forces — indigenous and foreign — to provide for such needs as economic opportunity, impartial justice, health care and infrastructure development.

To that end, the manual repeatedly refers to the need for the Army to work collaboratively — with allied military forces; with a host nation’s indigenous security forces, and with civilian government and non-government agencies — to strengthen weak states.

Lt. Col. Steve Leonard, the lead author of the manual, said on Monday’s conference call that portions of FM 3-07 were developed “hand-in-hand with our partners in the UK,” and that early drafts were shared with military counterparts in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Greece, Italy and Spain. “Virtually every country in Europe and a lot of them throughout the Pacific” were able to contribute, Leonard said. “There’s a huge international flavor to this.”

The manual often focuses more on shaping the way commanders think about stability operations than instructing about specific actions. To some degree, that is due to the manual’s potential readership.

FM 3-07 is written for officers “preparing themselves for command,” said Janine Davidson, a former Pentagon official who specialized on stability operations and who contributed to FM 3-07. “It’s about knowing what questions to ask and where to get the answers when you find yourself in charge of one of these complex operations — each one of which will be different. These are different skill sets than traditional war-fighting stuff, [like] how to fly an airplane.”

But the manual’s lack of operational specificity is also due to the difficulty today in knowing where the military role ends and a civilian one begins in a stability operation. In both Iraq and Afghanistan, the relative paucity of civilian diplomats, aid workers and government experts has meant the military has had to shoulder many traditional civilian tasks.

Leonard said that sorting out who played what role was “probably the biggest challenge we had to face.” His approach — something Davidson helped with — was to open the drafting process to civilian agencies across the U.S. government.

“We needed to have a doctrine that really laid out roles and missions across the board,” Leonard said, “because, again, if you’re just writing a doctrine that just deals with what the Army does, it’s not going to be good enough.”

But not everyone is enthusiastic about the Army’s elevation of stability operations to a core function.

Christopher Preble, a retired Navy officer who directs foreign-policy studies at the libertarian Cato Institute, argued that the manual represented a step to committing the U.S. to “these missions on, I think, the completely erroneous assumption they advance our security.”

Years ago, Preble, along with a former Cato analyst Justin Logan, warned that creating a State Dept. office for post-conflict reconstruction would lead future administrations to view nation-building as a central national-security concern, even in cases without a clear relationship to the national interest. “What’s puzzling is that the American public, in poll after poll, says it doesn’t want to be the world’s policeman,” Preble said. “I see this manual as of a piece [with a policy] where we are doing it alone and will continue to do so.”

But retired Army officer John Nagl, who helped write the Army/Marine Corps counterinsurgency field manual, welcomed the stability operations manual as an important step away from traditional state-on-state warfare.

“This is part of the Army’s increasing understanding of the fact that the nature of conflict in the 21st century is going to be different,” said Nagl, now a senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security. “The greatest threats we face, arguably, will no longer be from states that are too strong, but from states that are too weak.”

Despite their differences, both Nagl and Preble said they would be looking to see how the manual drives future Army budgets, program acquisitions and force structures. Preble said he was unsure if the manual’s authors believed the U.S. “required a vastly larger ground force or a conventional force than we have today.” Nagl wanted to see if the manual would lead to changes in how the Army trains and advises host-nation security forces.

Caldwell and Leonard said on the conference call that most changes envisioned by the manual — some already in place — involve training U.S. forces to conduct stability operations before they perform them in theaters of conflict. “There will be some budgetary impact,” Caldwell said. But he specified only that there might be a larger exchange program to embed Army officers in civilian agencies and vice versa — which would be a fraction of the half-trillion annual defense budget.

Nonetheless, Nagl said the manual heralds a change for an Army, which has clung to traditional views of state-on-state conflict despite nearly 15 years of asymmetric warfare and counterinsurgency experience.

“There appears to be evidence that the Office of the Secretary of Defense and the leadership of the Army recognize that there’s more we can do to prepare for the wars we’re actually fighting, and realization these are the kind of wars we will be continuing to fight for a number of years,” Nagl said.

“It’s part of the process of turning the aircraft carrier around,” he said. He then extended the metaphor through a reference to a swift, new Navy vessel, embraced by advocates of irregular warfare, “It may be that we don’t need aircraft carriers so much as Littoral Combat Ships.”

Follow Spencer Ackerman on Twitter


Comments

75 Comments

wyamarus
Comment posted October 7, 2008 @ 1:03 pm

How is this any different then the overthrowing of elected governments and the propping up of unelected, unpopular dictatorships we've been doing since we invaded Cuba, the Philippines, and Hawa'ii many, many (roughly 100) years ago? Let's See ….Killing people and supporting terrorism overseas is the Humanitarian Mission of the All New Army? This is just the pretext to further militarize every aspect of life in the NuAmerika.

“As the nation continues into this era of uncertainty and persistent conflict, the lines separating war and peace, enemy and friend, have blurred,” writes Lt. Gen. William Caldwell in the manual’s preface.

This is true largely because we have made it so. The US in its entire history has never had a foreign policy that followed the ideas, let alone the ideals, expressed in the Constitution. We embarked on an Imperialist policy since the days of the Monroe Doctrine, which stated that all of the Western Hemisphere was 'Our' territory, and We could do with it as We saw fit. The histories of Cuba, Haiti, Panama,and Mexico are bathed in blood from US adventures in colonialism. So were the Philippines and Hawa'ii when our ambition extended over the Pacific. The only problem now, is that the 'natives' aren't 'ignorant savages' anymore, and they won't just roll over when a US gunboat (or bombers) show up to bring them 'back in line'.


Hawaiian style
Comment posted December 21, 2008 @ 1:28 pm

It is painfully obvious that our military is not trained for either Irag or Afghanistan type wars.

This knowledge should have been learned in Viet Nam where I regularly heard the comment, “You can't tell the good guys from the bad”.

My fear however, is not that we won't adapt. The US military is the best in the world. It is that we will use our military, our youth and their lives, in ways and areas that are better left to other methods.

First, the comment I recently read about the idea that the military plans to create a force to be used in the US “for crises/disaster management/control”. We have the national guard for that if the military would stop using these men and women for warfare. We also have the posse committatus act that, unfortunately, I predict will soon come under attack.

Second, the idea here that we would use our military to assist foreign governments in combating their enemies is dangerous and filled with problems on so many fronts.

My short list:

First, who decides who we will side with. Our track record of supporting miserable dictators because they either give us access for military bases or they assure us of their political support practically a cliche. It has also painted us as a bad guy for all the Bin Laden's of the world to point at, and to recruit terrorists for war against.

Second, financially we could never support the costs unless the hosting country paid for our military.
The accounting and oversight for such boggles the mind. The potential for graft would be astronomical.
Additionally the politicians would some day see all this money and soon want to control and spend some of it for other purposes. Then we would have a budget based on “military earnings”.

Third, our troops will become targets and America will become the villain for every discontented person both in and out of the host (occupied) country. We as Americans will get the credit as the bully, and reap the consequences in terrorist actions. We will be the “bad” guys that the next political regime in the host country kicks out, pointing to us as the cause of all their troubles.

Fourth, the money involved will be huge as will be the Military/Industrial/private soldier/contractor industry, as well as the accompanying graft. Witness the money that went into the Viet Nam and Iraq wars that was, either lost or unaccounted for.

Fifth, this idea is basically proposing “peace through perpetual war”. Spreading peace is a process of winning the hearts and minds of a people, of demonstrating the benefits of peace and commerce, of demonstrating the benefits and quality of life where freedom, life, liberty etc. are fostered and lived. You will never gain these goals in any country as a foreign military presence. Never. You will never gain these goals by force.

Sixth, I don't want my, or your, son or daughter killed by some civilian or terrorist or soldier in any country, mine or theirs. And, I certainly don't want them killed supporting a government that is unwilling to fight for themselves, witness some of the rich middle east countries.

Seventh, the idea of a “peace keeping force” using US troops to back up a government is EXACTLY part of what the United Nations is supposed to do. Why don't we pay our UN debts and use the UN. The reason is that we want our control. of who and where we support. with our military Completely under OUR control. In other words our military will be a political tool that we wield, that we control, and we gain political advantage from. I did not hear this mentioned in the above idea.

The military is for Our defense. It preserves our way of life, our assets and our country. It should not be for hire, for preemptive war or any other distorted purpose. Perpetual was will never give us perpetual peace.


Hawaiianstyle
Comment posted December 21, 2008 @ 2:10 pm

Right on.

First The problems started when those we would fight with gained weapon equality. This started with the Kalasnikov, witness the non-nuuucuular proliferation treaty.

Second as “war” changed we forgot the lessons learned in the Revolutionary War. Remember the stories of how the British Red Coast lined up and the Tennessee riflemen picked them off from behind the trees. We after WWII got stuck with the tank, trench, frontal type war. Viet Nam should have woken us up. There everyone wore black pajamas both good and bad guys. Many VN were good guys by day and bad guys by night.

What training is going to enable us to fight this type war. How will training point out friend from enemy if they are dressed alike and living among each other.

Peace, charity, good works, generous tolerant cultural attitudes, these are needed. These and leaving a country when dis-invited.


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Comment posted January 28, 2009 @ 7:30 am

I firmly agree with Hawaiianstyle ('ey brah!). And as a disabled veteran, the part that breaks my heart about all this is that brave men and women — who didn't have a thing to do with making or advancing these absurd policies — will be the ones who pay the price.

Some with body parts, and some with their lives.


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Comment posted January 28, 2009 @ 3:30 pm

I firmly agree with Hawaiianstyle ('ey brah!). And as a disabled veteran, the part that breaks my heart about all this is that brave men and women — who didn't have a thing to do with making or advancing these absurd policies — will be the ones who pay the price.

Some with body parts, and some with their lives.


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Comment posted August 23, 2009 @ 6:00 am

The US in its entire history has never had a foreign policy that followed the ideas, let alone the ideals, expressed in the Constitution. We embarked on an Imperialist policy since the days of the Monroe Doctrine, which stated that all of the Western Hemisphere was 'Our' territory, and We could do with it as We saw fit. The histories of Cuba, Haiti, Panama,and Mexico are bathed in blood from US adventures in colonialism.


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I firmly agree with Hawaiianstyle ('ey brah!). And as a disabled veteran, the part that breaks my heart about all this is that brave men and women — who didn't have a thing to do with making or advancing these absurd policies — will be the ones who pay the price.I firmly agree with Hawaiianstyle ('ey brah!). And as a disabled veteran, the part that breaks my heart about all this is that brave men and women — who didn't have a thing to do with making or advancing these absurd policies — will be the ones who pay the price.


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Second as “war” changed we forgot the lessons learned in the Revolutionary War. Remember the stories of how the British Red Coast lined up and the Tennessee riflemen picked them off from behind the trees. We after WWII got stuck with the tank, trench, frontal type war. Viet Nam should have woken us up. There everyone wore black pajamas both good and bad guys. Many VN were good guys by day and bad guys by night.

What training is going to enable us to fight this type war. How will training point out friend from enemy if they are dressed alike and living among each other.

Peace, charity, good works, generous tolerant cultural attitudes, these are needed. These and leaving a country when dis-invited.


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This doctrine recognizes a mission for the Army that is far less clear than in major combat. It may be the first time the Army considers one of its central tasks to be a subordinate role to other agencies or partners.


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This doctrine recognizes a mission for the Army that is far less clear than in major combat.


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